đ»đȘ Machado snubs SĂĄnchez
Plus: Why you shouldn't trust some polls, and bullfighting's literally a pain in the ass.

Madrid | Issue #144
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Crossed wires
đ»đȘ Venezuela's opposition leader ghosts SĂĄnchez government
Guess who was in town? MarĂa Corina Machado, leader of the Venezuelan opposition and recent Nobel Peace Prize winner, spent the weekend in Madrid and was welcomed like a head of state⊠just not by the Spanish government.
ÂĄLa Presidenta! Machado, who is widely seen as the real winner of the countryâs last elections (even though she was disqualified from running), landed in Spain to a reception that felt closer to a victory tour than a diplomatic visit.
Tighty righties. She met center-right PP leader Alberto NĂșñez FeijĂło at party headquarters â where she was greeted with applause and chants of âlibertadâ â and then far-right Vox leader Santiago Abascal for good measure.
But wait, thereâs more! Machado also held high-profile meetings with Madridâs regional president, Isabel DĂaz Ayuso, and Madrid mayor JosĂ© Luis MartĂnez-Almeida.
Want something shiny? Ayuso awarded Machado the Gold Medal of the Community of Madrid, and Almeida handed her the symbolic keys to the city, a gesture usually reserved for heads of state or major historical figures.
The optics mattered. Madrid is home to one of the largest Venezuelan diaspora communities in Europe. Some 200,000 people who fled the crisis back home came to the city.
Many of them see Machado as their political representative, so her appearance at the Puerta del Sol, where she addressed a crowd of supporters waving Venezuelan flags and chanting her name, felt like a campaign rally (albeit in exile).
Whereâs Pedro? Despite being invited, Machado did not meet with Prime Minister Pedro SĂĄnchez nor anyone else from the Spanish government. Eeeeenteresting⊠đ€
The water simmers. The awkwardness of not meeting started politely, through clenched smiles. SĂĄnchez said he was âdelighted to meet Señora Machado whenever she has the opportunityâ â the doors of Moncloa, he added, are always open. Machado had said that meeting him simply âno es convenienteâ (âIt is not advisable.") right now. Nothing personal, you understand.
But really, what's up? Machado nodded at one reason she didn't meet Mr Handsome âthe progressive summit he was hosting in Barcelona, which featured left-wing leaders of countries like Colombia, Brazil, and Mexico who'd been kinda friendly with her nemesis, now-jailed NicolĂĄs Maduro.
Now we get it. She added some spice in an interview with El Mundo: âMeeting with Pedro SĂĄnchez would have sent the wrong message; our cause is about truth and about the people.â Ouch.
The water boils. Then Foreign Minister JosĂ© Manuel Albares started punching back on RNE. Machado, he noted, had managed to meet FeijĂło, Ayuso, Almeida and Abascal: âShe has acted as an ideological leader meeting with her political spectrum, which is the Spanish far right.â
A little gratitude, please. Albares reminded everyone that this government flew Machadoâs proxy Edmundo GonzĂĄlez out on a military plane and just rushed Spanish citizenship to fellow opposition leader Leopoldo LĂłpez (who previously found asylum in Spainâs Caracas embassy). âIs it necessary to hide what Spain does for Venezuela in order to please others?â (Who are those others? Just waitâŠ)
The pot explodes. Albares dropped a bombshell: Machado herself, he claimed, had once asked for refuge inside Spainâs Caracas embassy, and heâd granted it.
Calling bullđ©. Machadoâs team called that âfalse.â Diplomatic sources told El Mundo the offer went the other way. And Machado fired back⊠obliquely: âThere are opaque episodesâ around Spainâs dealings in Venezuela, she told El Español, and âI have information others donâtâ â that will be deployed once verified, we presume. đ€
So whatâs going on here? Two things, probably.
First, of all European governments, SĂĄnchezâs has been friendliest to Maduro â which doesnât exactly build trust with the Venezuelan opposition.
But more importantly, SĂĄnchez and Trump are at each otherâs throats, and Trump is the one who might actually install Machado in Caracas â having, in January, ordered the Fuerte Tiuna raid that dragged Maduro off to a New York cell. âThe only head of state who put his citizensâ lives on the line for our freedom,â she gushed in El Español. A bit thick, but she knows which side her arepa is buttered on.
P.S. Watching Leopoldo LĂłpez try to avoid getting involved in the Machado/SĂĄnchez spat in this interview is hilaaaaaarious. Dude will say anything to say nothing. Deer in headlights total.
More news below. đđ
đŹ Five things to discuss at dinner parties
1. đ§đ»âđŒ Pedro SĂĄnchez has an international fan club, butâŠ

The Prime Ministerâs moves to take on Trump and Netanyahu, as well as his recent confab of the international left in Barcelona, have brought him a sizable fan club abroad. And that fandom went up 11 on Monday, when the CIS public research instituteâs April poll showed SĂĄnchezâs PSOE extending its lead over the center-right PP to 12.8 points, 36.4% to 23.6%.
Overseas praise flooded social media, like the post above from DemsMight, a pro-Democratic party (U.S.) messaging group: âLooks like being anti-war and having cojones is popular. Spain is taking notice.â
But thereâs a data problem. The CIS has a certain cachet â publicly funded, historically respected â but in recent years, well, not so much. After taking office in 2018, SĂĄnchez appointed sociologist JosĂ© FĂ©lix Tezanos â then a sitting PSOE executive committee member â as chair. Since then, the rosy poll numbers the CIS hands the PSOE have been wrong so often that they mostly qualify as wish fulfillment.
Seriously, that bad. As friend-of-Bubble Kiko Llaneras of El PaĂs has documented, the CIS under Tezanos has overestimated the left in 41 of the 42 elections analyzed since 2018. (Another analysis finds that the CIS underweights support for the right â PP + the far-right Vox â by 11 percentage points on average.)
Plenty better ones. Private pollsters like 40dB. and the El PaĂs poll-of-polls have been consistently more accurate, while the CIS lives in a parallel (inaccurate) universe where the left almost always does a bit better than in real life.
Itâs not just the numbers. Former members of the CIS advisory council â including old friends and heavyweight sociologists â have filed formal complaints and quietly walked away, decrying the âCIS de Tezanosâ brand that now clings to the center like bad cologne. One described it bluntly as âthe least neutral institution in Spain right now.â
But has SĂĄnchezâs Trump pushback helped? Yes â just not as much as the CIS suggests. Polls by SocioMĂ©trica for El Español have found that the PSOE would win 110 seats (out of 350) if elections were held today, up 12 from two months ago, just before SĂĄnchez took his stand against the war. That growth has come at the expense of the PSOEâs far-left allies and Vox; the PP held steady with 140, and could still form a majority with Vox.
Does playing with the numbers help your side? Doubtful â and SĂĄnchez may not trust the CIS polls himself. As the commentariat often notes, if he actually believed he had a 13-point lead, heâd call elections tomorrow.
Our take. SĂĄnchezâs pushback on Trump is paying dividends (and is eminently justifiable). But Spanish voters are tired of him for many other reasons, and wonât switch to him en masse for heckling the Orange Menace. Indeed, SĂĄnchez may be turning into Southern Europeâs Mikhail Gorbachev â popular abroad and unloved at home. Maybe the UN has a job for him?
2. đ€ PP and Vox finally strike a deal in Extremadura (and itâs⊠complicated)
Cue the Imperial March from Star Wars. More than 100 days after the regional elections, regional president MarĂa Guardiolaâs PP and Vox have reached an agreement to form a government in Extremadura.
The deal secures a four-year coalition. Vox will form part of the government with a vice presidency, two ministries, and a regional senate seat.
This is big news because it wasnât supposed to be this easy, or even happen. Guardiola openly clashed with Vox leader Santiago Abascal during the campaign, even accusing him of âmachismo,â and initially resisted governing with his party.
Agree to disagree. The deal itself is broad (61 points and 74 measures), but itâs the content thatâs raising eyebrows. Among (many) other things, the coalition is pushing for lower taxes; a tougher stance on immigration; a ban on burqas and similar garments in public spaces; and a clear rejection of parts of the EUâs Green Deal and the UNâs 2030 Agenda. It also includes measures to âprotectâ the agricultural sector from Brussels and to extend the life of the Almaraz nuclear plant.
The most controversial part? The so-called ânational priorityâ principle. On paper, it prioritizes access to public aid, like housing and social benefits, for those with a âreal, durable connectionâ to Extremadura.
But, but, but⊠In practice, critics say itâs a backdoor way of discriminating against immigrants. The policy would favor long-term residents regardless of nationality, but it also explicitly seeks to limit access for people in irregular situations and calls for reforming Spainâs immigration law to make this possible.
Slight problem. Under current Spanish and EU law, this kind of discrimination is likely illegal, and the backlash was immediate. The PSOE labeled the pact âracistâ and warned that it would challenge any discriminatory measures in the Constitutional Court.
Surprise! Even within the PP, thereâs discomfort: Madrid regional president Isabel DĂaz Ayuso publicly questioned the legality of ânational priority,â arguing that âyou canât exclude people who have rights and contribute.â
Another surprise! Yesterday afternoon, emboldened by what was happening in Extremadura, Vox went on a series of, ahem, âcontroversialâ statements about non-Spaniards in Parliament and insisted on the need to reform Spainâs immigration law. The PP chose not to confront them on the floor but then low-key sided with PSOE and voted against their motion, effectively killing it. Sad!
Business as usual. Guardiola, for her part, is trying to walk a fine line. On Tuesday, she insisted the government will ânever break the lawâ while doubling down on the message that Extremadura wonât âpay the price of a broken migration model.â
She said this isnât exclusion, but fairness for those who âhave been contributing for years.â Then, after being officially voted in as the new regional boss yesterday (see video above), she said "she wouldnât apologizeâ for governing with Vox.
Other unholy alliances. While Vox and the PP are still trying to reach a deal in Castilla y LeĂłn, the parties announced yesterday that they had also reached a deal in AragĂłn. Expect the debate over immigration to get a lot louder.
3. đ The mass regularization of immigrants has begun â and everyoneâs fighting about it
No one could have predicted this. Okay, everyone predicted this. Ram through a mass regularization via a questionable decreto real during peak culture war, and youâd expect just a little chaos and fighting. And we got it â in spades. Let us count the ways.
First, shambles. âThe queues we see are only for getting the documents,â government workers deadpanned to La Voz de Galicia, after NGOs and municipal offices found scores of applicants asleep on cardboard outside their offices, waiting for Mondayâs first in-person slots.
So many people. Madridâs daily applications leapt from 1,500 to 5,500 in a week. Outside Aculco, a Madrid NGO that handles 300 a day, hundreds queued from the night before. âWeâre overwhelmed â we didnât expect this,â director Ălvaro Zuleta told CNN. The governmentâs own prep? A Friday-at-5:38pm email begging the Federation of Spanish Municipalities to pitch in.
The biggest confusion. Municipal offices and NGOs have been slammed by applicants seeking a âcertificate of vulnerabilityâ â except no one quite knows how to certify it. Madridâs social-policy chief (of the PP, so not a government fan) says functionaries are working practically blind. Valencia mayor MarĂa JosĂ© CatalĂĄ (also PP) was blunter: âIf the Minister of Inclusion, Elma Saiz, says that any undocumented person is vulnerable [which she kinda did], then the question is: why is a certificate required to prove it?â CatalĂĄ is also asking Madrid to pay her cityâs âŹ1 million paperwork tab.
Second, prisoners. The Ministry of Interior quietly instructed Spainâs 80 state-run prisons to help inmates in preventive custody â some 3,500 foreigners without convictions â apply. The opposition? Not happy. âA preventive prisoner is someone a judge has sent to jail over the risk of flight or recidivism,â PPâs Alma Ezcurra tweeted.
The worry? Paperwork moves faster inside prison than for migrants on sidewalks â and once regularized, deportation gets much harder. The move is probably fair â innocent until proven guilty and all â but not a great look.
Third, scams. Appointments for empadronamiento (residence registration) or to file paperwork at Correos are both free. A black market has sprung up anyway.
Nayeli, a Mexican student, paid âŹ150 for a padrĂłn that never materialized; others report quotes of âŹ400 for padrĂłn and âŹ600 for a single Correos slot. Police say mafias use bots to hoover up appointments and resell them in locutorios. The government delegate in Catalonia has had to beg consuls to tell their citizens: âNobody has to pay a single euro.â
This probably isnât making the whole regularization any more popular. SocioMĂ©tricaâs poll for El Español finds 66.7% of Spaniards against it â rising to 80.5% among 17-to-25-year-olds. Polls are famously imperfect, but those arenât great numbers. âSpain is the daughter of immigration and will not be the mother of xenophobia,â SĂĄnchez said. Fine sentiments. But Spaniards, it seems, are unconvinced.
4. đŠ A Valencia med school gave anatomy students cadavers infected with Hep C and COVID


